Letter to the NSF(Marxist)

The following letter was sent to the National Students Front (Marxist) for their conference on the role of youth in the revolutionary struggle on the 26th of September. Here we lay down our view on youth struggles encompassing students, the unemployed and young workers.

Message to NSF(M) conference on the role of youth in the socialist revolution :

Comrades of the NSF, On behalf of New Wave ( Bolshevik Leninist ) in India, and the Indian youth and working class, I send you greetings on this occasion. At the start, I am deeply sorry for not being able to be physically present at this conference addressing the youth of Kashmir, and contributing in its success. However, I hope this message will be read and discussed, and in some way, help in the education of the youth cadre in your organization.

We are living in the midst of great upheavals world wide. The wave of present revolutions in Asia can be said to have begun with the successful Nepali revolution which deposed the monarchy from Nepal in 2006, followed by democratic upheavals across Central Asia, then Iran and Pakistan, the last of which resulted in the ouster of the military Dictator Parvez Musharraf in 2008. India was not immune from this wave, as peasant uprisings rocked the countryside, and led to a civil war situation in some parts of the country as pauperized peasants lent their support to the armed naxalite movement. The struggle of the peasants is still alive and securing victories even as the armed naxalite movement seems to dissipate. While most of these struggles have achieved only pyrrhic victories or have ended in failure, they signal a change in the world situation.

No longer are the oppressed classes silent victims of the assaults of imperialism. Not even in the advanced imperialist nations of Europe and America, where the working class and youth have risen up against austerity and of passing the burden of the world crisis upon the shoulders of the working class. The working classes of Britain, France, Portugal and Spain, and not to forget Greece, are leading the fight against the attacks of the exploitative Franco-German financial alliance and it’s helpers, otherwise known infamously as the ‘troika’ ( the European Central Bank, the IMF, and the EU ) . And lest we forget, the massive mobilizations around the Occupy Wall Street, which succeeded in mobilizing the youth of America and its workers, that great sleeping giant in the world.

All these upheavals point towards an objectively pre-revolutionary situation worldwide.

At present all revolutionaries turn their attention chiefly to nations of the middle east and North Africa where the situation has gone beyond the bounds of a pre-revolutionary situation and is objectively revolutionary ! A trans-national wave of revolutions has emerged there in the wake of the Tunisian uprising, and then the Egyptian revolution, the Libyan revolution and finally, the ongoing civil war in Syria. These revolutions are objectively democratic in their nature, and are aimed chiefly against imperialist backed dictatorships ruling over these nations. Yet, these revolutions contain the seed of a future socialist uprising, and naturally the seeds of socialist transition as they clear the way for the proletariat to wage a much clearer class based battle against the bourgeoisie.

Barely a decade has passed and the 21st century has given a series of revolutions worldwide.

In this situation, the role of the youth both as students and as young workers, and among ranks of the reserve labor can’t be ignored.

The student movement :

Under capitalism education and commerce become virtually indistinguishable. Universities and schools are converted into veritable factories to manufacture exploitable proletariats rather than nurture their minds and creativity. The challenge before students most immediately is to break out of the chains imposed on it by the capitalist system. This means we put our full force in mobilizing students against the commercialization of education and against any move which stifles the creative and organizational freedoms of students. The student youth are the buds from which every political cadre blooms. The bourgeoisie wants nothing more than to crush the flowers before they blossom into a threat. For this curriculums are deliberately designed to keep students focussed on only those areas which cater to the interests of the bourgeoisie, they make student life as dreary as possible for readying them for an equally dreary future as robotized workers. If that weren’t enough, any democratic aspiration students may have is stifled by rules crippling their freedom to organize. An iron curtain is drawn between them and domineering authorities with no accountability who manage the educational institutions like private business concerns. To this effect, they exploit the students as much as is possible by all manner of hefty charges and fees.

A most perfect example of this is the crushing student debt in the USA. Educational loans as well as the educational institutions themselves make for brisk business, toying with the future aspirations and needs of the youth. Our work, is to fight this ! The fight is thus twofold :

1) For free education at all levels (From Nursery to University) :

Learning must be opened to all and be given the freest opportunity and access to education. For this we fight for free education at all levels. There are already major mobilizations underway in Latin America, in Chile and Brazil for free education. Necessarily, this also means we demand greater spending in education by all governments we fight against. In this fight, the students will find their ally teachers and academicians whose position as educators are downgraded to that of a factory worker working on a commodified student. Capitalism brings every profession, every work into the ambit of wage slavery, this is no different for teachers and professors.

2) Freedom of organization and democratization :

Revolutionaries fight for fullest democratic freedoms of association and organization. We defend the right of workers to unionize and students to unionize and agitate. Student unions under the control of reactionaries, lead to the degeneration of the students and ultimately serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. Student unions under revolutionary leadership contribute to their betterment. We both fight for the right to organize and agitate as well as wage a ruthless struggle against every reactionary outfit misleading students. This is a dialectical approach that needs a fine strategy and balance. Never must we give the bourgeoisie an excuse to attack the democratic rights of students. This goes hand in hand with the struggle for democratization of campus management against any tendency of bureaucratization. Students must have a say in the framing of curriculum and on student infrastructure, hostel management, canteen, and institutional decision making like admission.

Lastly, we must recognize that revolutionaries working among students must focus on joining the student’s movement with the movement of the working class. Students and young workers share an intimate connect and a common enemy in the bourgeoisie, the only way forward to their common emancipation is to wage a united struggle. For this, we must work towards integrating the student’s movement with the class struggle of the working class.

The special role and position of young workers and the reserve labor :

A trend we have been witnessing world over, is the trend of new class leadership emerging from the ashes of the old. This has gone hand in hand with the upswing of struggles world over and the pre-revolutionary situation setting in worldwide. A great demographic shift has accompanied this, with almost half the world living in cities. What this means is, the great bulk of new proletarians are going to be from among the youth of the world.

The one thing we find most common among this layer of the working class, is their militancy! They are young, fresh, unblemished with the burdens of the past. From here would we find the most fighting comrades for the revolutionary struggle. With a shrinking of opportunities for secure work, most young workers find themselves as underemployed servicemen or casual workers. The trend is worst in developing countries where a vast layer of petty production exists and large scale organized capital grows in wealth without creating jobs, thus the phenomena of ‘jobless growth’. Yet, the alternatives to working as wage slaves in monopolies is only the most precarious areas of work in petty capital, which every day, is being rendered more and more precarious.

Ultimately, even degree holding youth have nowhere to turn. They end up among the reserve labor of the unemployed. In countries where petty production has all but dried up, the numbers of the reserve labor swell to previously untouched heights. The crisis has rendered this situation worse, with unemployment reaching previously untouched heights in the advanced economies of the west which lie at the core of the crisis. The layer of unemployed youth are hot springs of discontent, one has only to see the uprisings in Kashmir led by the layer of unemployed youth to see the anger they hold. The mobilizations of the youth in Britain is no less an indicator of the tinder box that is the proletarian youth. Increasingly the capitalist myth of equal and fair opportunities through ‘globalization’ is being shattered as even the best of degrees fail to offer a secure livelihood to the youth. Even those youth who manage to find themselves in employment end up facing the worst conditions of work. The example of the maruti workers or more recently with the workers at Bajaj in India show the militant potential of youth workers.

However, we must express caution, when dealing with the unemployed youth, the spectre of the fascist lumpen proletariat looms large. With their festering anger and seething discontent, they become easy prey for reactionaries to be trapped into their agenda. The reserve labor may join either side in the war against capitalism, we must work to ensure the fascists don’t triumph ! Only a strong foundation of a youth movement rooted in class struggle can overcome this threat from reaction.

Conclusion :

The contradictions of capitalism were always present, but the present crisis has only sharpened them. While the forces of class struggle have advanced, we must remember, that revolution is never greeted with open arms, and a bed of roses, but with the iron thorns of reaction. Even now as the world is being pushed more and more towards a maturing pre-revolutionary situation, reactionaries are emerging in force. South Asia is no stranger to this dialectic.

The forces of communalism have again reared their ugly head in india with an increasing number of communal instances being reported. Both fascistic and self-proclaimed ‘secular’ parties are churning a vicious communal cauldron to continue to play a game of divide and rule. All the bourgeoisie is screaming for a ‘strong leader’ who can more effectively ‘rule’ in their interests. In Pakistan too, the forces of religious fundamentalism aim at keeping the people of South Asia divided and isolated from each other, all the while cutting business deals to quench the criminal hunger of capitalists. The only reason they continue to rule over us, is because of the crisis of revolutionary leadership.

There is no dirth of energy or revolutionary power in the working class and its allies oppressed by capitalism. There is only an absolute lack of revolutionary leadership. We reiterate the immortal words of Leon Trotsky in the transitional programme, “ The crisis of our times is the crisis of revolutionary leadership !” Our task is cut out for us in building that revolutionary leadership which will enable the class to overthrow the visceral rule of the reactionary bourgeois. Such a party can only be a revolutionary bolshevik-leninist party and consequently, an internationalist world party of revolution. The struggle against capitalism while being national in form is international in substance. This is the cornerstone of our understanding which drives us to work vigorously at the national arena of class struggle while actively working to build the foundations for an international world party of revolution. Only through the socialist revolution can the contradictions of capitalism be overcome, and a just and fair world be made for all humanity.

The New Wave ( Bolshevik – Leninist ) and our international ally the International Worker’s League – Fourth International, affirm our commitment to building this party as a world party of revolution and laud the efforts of the NSF(Marxist) in building the revolutionary bolshevik leninist force in Pakistan.

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Bhagat Singh’s message to Young Political Workers

On the occasion of the 72nd year of Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom, we present this letter addressed to Young Political workers. *( The said text has been extracted from marxists.org bhagat singh archive ) :

To The Young Political Workers.
DEAR COMRADES

Our movement is passing through a very important phase at present. After a year’s fierce struggle some definite proposals regarding the constitutional reforms have been formulated by the Round Table Conference and the Congress leaders have been invited to give this [Original transcription is unclear — MIA Transcriber]…think it desirable in the present circumstances to call off their movement. Whether they decide in favour or against is a matter of little importance to us. The present movement is bound to end in some sort of compromise. The compromise may be effected sooner or later. And compromise is not such ignoble and deplorable an thing as we generally think. It is rather an indispensable factor in the political strategy. Any nation that rises against the oppressors is bound to fail in the beginning, and to gain partial reforms during the medieval period of its struggle through compromises. And it is only at the last stage — having fully organized all the forces and resources of the nation — that it can possibly strike the final blow in which it might succeed to shatter the ruler’s government. But even then it might fail, which makes some sort of compromise inevitable. This can be best illustrated by the Russian example.

In 1905 a revolutionary movement broke out in Russia. All the leaders were very hopeful. Lenin had returned from the foreign countries where he had taken refuge. He was conducting the struggle. People came to tell him that a dozen landlords were killed and a score of their mansions were burnt. Lenin responded by telling them to return and to kill twelve hundred landlords and burn as many of their palaces. In his opinion that would have meant something if revolution failed. Duma was introduced. The same Lenin advocated the view of participating in the Duma. This is what happened in 1907. In 1906 he was opposed to the participation in this first Duma which had granted more scope of work than this second one whose rights had been curtailed. This was due to the changed circumstances. Reaction was gaining the upper hand and Lenin wanted to use the floor of he Duma as a platform to discuss socialist ideas.

Again after the 1917 revolution, when the Bolsheviks were forced to sign the Brest Litovsk Treaty, everyone except Lenin was opposed to it. But Lenin said: “Peace”. “Peace and again peace: peace at any cos t— even at the cost of many of the Russian provinces to be yielded to German War Lord”. When some anti-Bolshevik people condemned Lenin for this treaty, he declared frankly that the Bolsheviks were not in a position to face to German onslaught and they preferred the treaty to the complete annihilation of the Bolshevik Government.

The thing that I wanted to point out was that compromise is an essential weapon which has to be wielded every now and then as the struggle develops. But the thing that we must keep always before us is the idea of the movement. We must always maintain a clear notion as to the aim for the achievement of which we are fighting. That helps us to verify the success and failures of our movements and we can easily formulate the future programme. Tilak’s policy, quite apart from the ideal i.e. his strategy, was the best. You are fighting to get sixteen annas from your enemy, you get only one anna. Pocket it and fight for the rest. What we note in the moderates is of their ideal. They start to achieve on anna and they can’t get it. The revolutionaries must always keep in mind that they are striving for a complete revolution. Complete mastery of power in their hands. Compromises are dreaded because the conservatives try to disband the revolutionary forces after the compromise from such pitfalls. We must be very careful at such junctures to avoid any sort of confusion of the real issues especially the goal. The British Labour leaders betrayed their real struggle and have been reduced to mere hypocrite imperialists. In my opinion the diehard conservatives are better to us than these polished imperialist Labour leaders. About the tactics and strategy one should study life-work of Lenin. His definite views on the subject of compromise will be found in “Left Wing” Communism.

I have said that the present movement, i.e. the present struggle, is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure.

I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi declared: “We must not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the factory proletariat” (The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli resolution of 1922 clearly denies the horror the leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class rising to shake off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the yoke of the landlords.

It is there that our leaders prefer a surrender to the British than to the peasantry. Leave alone Pt. Jawahar lal. Can you point out any effort to organize the peasants or the labourers? No, they will not run the risk. There they lack. That is why I say they never meant a complete revolution. Through economic and administrative pressure they hoped to get a few more reforms, a few more concessions for the Indian capitalists. That is why I say that this movement is doomed to die, may be after some sort of compromise or even without. They young workers who in all sincerity raise the cry “Long Live Revolution”, are not well organized and strong enough to carry the movement themselves. As a matter of fact, even our great leaders, with the exception of perhaps Pt. Motilal Nehru, do not dare to take any responsibility on their shoulders, that is why every now and then they surrender unconditionally before Gandhi. In spite of their differences, they never oppose him seriously and the resolutions have to be carried for the Mahatma.

In these circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who seriously mean a revolution, that harder times are coming. Let then beware lest they should get confused or disheartened. After the experience made through two struggles of the Great Gandhi, we are in a better position to form a clear idea of our present position and the future programme.

Now allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry “Long Live Revolution.” Let me assume that you really mean it. According to our definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly Bomb Case, revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing social order and its replacement with the socialist order. For that purpose our immediate aim is the achievement of power. As a matter of fact, the state, the government machinery is just a weapon in the hands of the ruling class to further and safeguard its interest. We want to snatch and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of our ideal, i.e., social reconstruction on new, i.e., Marxist, basis. For this purpose we are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we have to educate the masses and to create a favourable atmosphere for our social programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them.

With these things clear before us, i.e., our immediate and ultimate object having been clearly put, we can now proceed with the examination of the present situation. We must always be very candid and quite business-like while analysing any situation. We know that since a hue and cry was raised about the Indians’ participation in and share in the responsibility of the Indian government, the Minto-Morley Reforms were introduced, which formed the Viceroy’s council with consultation rights only. During the Great War, when the Indian help was needed the most, promises about self-government were made and the existing reforms were introduced. Limited legislative powers have been entrusted to the Assembly but subject to the goodwill of the Viceroy. Now is the third stage.

Now reforms are being discussed and are to be introduced in the near future. How can our young men judge them? This is a question; I do not know by what standard are the Congress leaders going to judge them. But for us, the revolutionaries, we can have the following criteria:

1. Extent of responsibility transferred to the shoulders of the Indians.
2. From of the Government institutions that are going to be introduced and the extent of the right of participation given to the masses.
3. Future prospects and the safeguards.

These might require a little further elucidation. In the first place, we can easily judge the extent of responsibility given to our people by the control our representatives will have on the executive. Up till now, the executive was never made responsible to the Legislative Assembly and the Viceroy had the veto power, which rendered all the efforts of the elected members futile. Thanks to the efforts of the Swaraj Party, the Viceroy was forced every now and then to use these extraordinary powers to shamelessly trample the solemn decisions of the national representatives under foot. It is already too well known to need further discussion.

Now in the first place we must see the method of the executive formation: Whether the executive is to be elected by the members of a popular assembly or is to be imposed from above as before, and further, whether it shall be responsible to the house or shall absolutely affront it as in the past?

As regards the second item, we can judge it through the scope of franchise. The property qualifications making a man eligible to vote should be altogether abolished and universal suffrage be introduced instead. Every adult, both male and female, should have the right to vote. At present we can simply see how far the franchise has been extended.

I may here make a mention about provincial autonomy. But from whatever I have heard, I can only say that the Governor imposed from above, equipped with extraordinary powers, higher and above the legislative, shall prove to be no less than a despot. Let us better call it the “provincial tyranny” instead of “autonomy.” This is a strange type of democratisation of the state institutions.

The third item is quite clear. During the last two years the British politicians have been trying to undo Montague’s promise for another dole of reforms to be bestowed every ten years till the British Treasury exhausts.

We can see what they have decided about the future.

Let me make it clear that we do not analyse these things to rejoice over the achievement, but to form a clear idea about our situation, so that we may enlighten the masses and prepare them for further struggle. For us, compromise never means surrender, but a step forward and some rest. That is all and nothing else.

HAVING DISCUSSED the present situation, let us proceed to discuss the future programme and the line of action we ought to adopt. As I have already stated, for any revolutionary party a definite programme is very essential. For, you must know that revolution means action. It means a change brought about deliberately by an organized and systematic work, as opposed to sudden and unorganised or spontaneous change or breakdown. And for the formulation of a programme, one must necessarily study:

1. The goal.
2. The premises from where were to start, i.e., the existing conditions.
3. The course of action, i.e., the means and methods.

Unless one has a clear notion about these three factors, one cannot discuss anything about programme.

We have discussed the present situation to some extent. The goal also has been slightly touched. We want a socialist revolution, the indispensable preliminary to which is the political revolution. That is what we want. The political revolution does not mean the transfer of state (or more crudely, the power) from the hands of the British to the Indian, but to those Indians who are at one with us as to the final goal, or to be more precise, the power to be transferred to the revolutionary party through popular support. After that, to proceed in right earnest is to organize the reconstruction of the whole society on the socialist basis. If you do not mean this revolution, then please have mercy. Stop shouting “Long Live Revolution.” The term revolution is too sacred, at least to us, to be so lightly used or misused. But if you say you are for the national revolution and the aims of your struggle is an Indian republic of the type of the United State of America, then I ask you to please let known on what forces you rely that will help you bring about that revolution. Whether national or the socialist, are the peasantry and the labour. Congress leaders do not dare to organize those forces. You have seen it in this movement. They know it better than anybody else that without these forces they are absolutely helpless. When they passed the resolution of complete independence — that really meant a revolution — they did not mean it. They had to do it under pressure of the younger element, and then they wanted to us it as a threat to achieve their hearts’ desire — Dominion Status. You can easily judge it by studying the resolutions of the last three sessions of the Congress. I mean Madras, Calcutta and Lahore. At Calcutta, they passed a resolution asking for Dominion Status within twelve months, otherwise they would be forced to adopt complete independence as their object, and in all solemnity waited for some such gift till midnight after the 31st December, 1929. Then they found themselves “honour bound” to adopt the Independence resolution, otherwise they did not mean it. But even then Mahatmaji made no secret of the fact that the door (for compromise) was open. That was the real spirit. At the very outset they knew that their movement could not but end in some compromise. It is this half-heartedness that we hate, not the compromise at a particular stage in the struggle. Anyway, we were discussing the forces on which you can depend for a revolution. But if you say that you will approach the peasants and labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell you that they are not going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what are they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their sacrifices, what difference does it make to them whether Lord Reading is the head of the Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas? What difference for a peasant if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his national sentiment. You can’t “use” him for your purpose; you shall have to mean seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be his and for his good. The revolution of the proletariat and for the proletariat.

When you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right earnest to organize your forces for such an action. Now there are two different phases through which you shall have to pass. First, the preparation; second, the action.

After the present movement ends, you will find disgust and some disappointment amongst the sincere revolutionary workers. But you need not worry. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be prepared to face the facts. Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond the power of any man to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought about on any appointed date. It is brought can it be brought about on an appointed date. It is brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function of an organized party is to utilise an such opportunity offered by these circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organize the forces for the revolution is a very difficult task. And that required a very great sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary workers. Let me make it clear that if you are a businessman or an established worldly or family man, please don’t play with fire. As a leader you are of no use to the party. We have already very many such leaders who spare some evening hours for delivering speeches. They are useless. We require — to use the term so dear to Lenin — the “professional revolutionaries”. The whole-time workers who have no other ambitions or life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such workers organized into a party, the great the chances of your success.

To proceed systematically, what you need the most is a party with workers of the type discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen perception and ability of initiative and quick decisions. The party shall have iron discipline and it need not necessarily be an underground party, rather the contrary. Thought the policy of voluntarily going to jail should altogether be abandoned. That will create a number of workers who shall be forced to lead an underground life. They should carry on the work with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers that shall produce worthy leaders for the real opportunity.

The party requires workers which can be recruited only through the youth movement. Hence we find the youth movement as the starting point of our programme. The youth movement should organize study circles, class lectures and publication of leaflets, pamphlets, books and periodicals. This is the best recruiting and training ground for political workers.

Those young men who may have matured their ideas and may find themselves ready to devote their life to the cause, may be transferred to the party. The party workers shall always guide and control the work of the youth movement as well. The party should start with the work of mass propaganda. It is very essential. One of the fundamental causes of the failure of the efforts of the Ghadar Party (1914-15) was the ignorance, apathy and sometimes active opposition of the masses. And apart from that, it is essential for gaining the active sympathy of and of and organising the peasants and workers. The name of party or rather,* a communist party. This party of political workers, bound by strict discipline, should handle all other movements. It shall have to organize the peasants’ and workers’ parties, labour unions, and kindred political bodes. And in order to create political consciousness, not only of national politics but class politics as well, the party should organize a big publishing campaign. Subjects on all proletens [Original transcription is unclear — MIA Transcriber] enlightening the masses of the socialist theory shall be wit in easy reach and distributed widely. The writings should be simple and clear.

There are certain people in the labour movement who enlist some absurd ideas about the economic liberty of the peasants and workers without political freedom. They are demagogues or muddle-headed people. Such ideas are unimaginable and preposterous. We mean the economic liberty of the masses, and for that very purpose we are striving to win the political power. No doubt in the beginning, we shall have to fight for little economic demands and privileges of these classes. But these struggles are the best means for educating them for a final struggles are the best means for educating them for a final struggle to conquer political power.

Apart from these, there shall necessarily be organized a military department. This is very important. At times its need is felt very badly. But at that time you cannot start and formulate such a group with substantial means to act effectively. Perhaps this is the topic that needs a careful explanation. There is very great probability of my being misunderstood on this subject. Apparently I have acted like a terrorist. But I am not a terrorist. I am a revolutionary who has got such definite ideas of a lengthy programme as is being discussed here. My “comrades in arms” might accuse me, like Ram Prasad Bismil, for having been subjected to certain sort of reaction in the condemned cell, which is not true. I have got the same ideas, same convictions, same convictions, same zeal and same spirit as I used to have outside, perhaps — nay, decidedly — better. Hence I warn my readers to be careful while reading my words. They should not try to read anything between the lines. Let me announced with all the strength at my command, that I am not a terrorist and I never was, expected perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary career. And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through those methods. One can easily judge it from the history of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. All our activities were directed towards an aim, i.e., identifying ourselves with the great movement as its military wing. If anybody has misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas. I do not mean that bombs and pistols are useless, rather the contrary. But I mean to say that mere bomb-throwing is not only useless but sometimes harmful. The military department of the party should always keep ready all the war-material it can command for any emergency. It should back the political work of the party. It cannot and should not work independently.

On these lines indicated above, the party should proceed with its work. Through periodical meetings and conferences they should go on educating and enlightening their workers on all topics. If you start the work on these lines, you shall have to be very sober. The programme requires at least twenty years for its fulfillment. Cast aside the youthful dreams of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi’s utopian promises of Swaraj in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality first. Shake off the dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure and betrayals shall dishearten you. No travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff out the revolutionary will in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable assets of the revolution.

LONG LIVE REVOLUTION
2nd February, 1931